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THE HUMAN BRAIN PROJECT

A CENTER FOR RESEARCH EXPLORING THE HUMAN BRAIN AND BODY

 

 
 

 

 


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PREFACE (BY SUNIMAL FERNANDO)


This paper is intended to throw some light on what could possibly have been the transfer of a particular traditional technology both within a part of the Asian region as well as within Sri Lanka.  The paper elucidates the origins of the technology, how the technology was transferred, and the instruments of its transfer.  The study also looks into the question of why the technology was transferred to a particular place, how and why it took its root in its place of adoption, whether and in what manner it became integrated with other technologies already prevailing in the area to which it was transferred, and who were the people who developed the technology in its new home.  The paper also looks into the question of the changes that the new technology underwent in its area of adoption, whether the technology was further developed and, if so, in what directions or whether it instead was constrained.  The study then goes on to examine the processes, if any, by which the technology was further transferred from its new area of adoption to still newer areas, examining how and why and through what instruments the processes of traditional technology transfer continued to function.

 

In Sri Lanka there exists a traditional medical system parallel to the western system of medicine.  Though official state patronage was accorded only to the western medical system all through the colonial period and up to 1956, traditional medical technologies not only continued to remain very popular among the people but also consistently aroused the interest of the non-westernized Buddhist and Hindu intelligentsia.  After the cultural reawakening of 1956, however, the traditional medical system began to receive official state patronage and support in a significant way.  Similarly, in the People's Republic of China, especially after its liberation in 1949, acupuncture - a traditional Chinese medical technology - began to receive a meaningful degree of official support from the government.  In 1959 the Sri Lankan government first showed interest in a possible transfer of traditional Chinese acupuncture technology to Sri Lanka.  But it was only in the 1970s that the Chinese acupuncture technology began to spread in Sri Lanka.  By 1980 Sri Lanka emerged as one of the main centres of acupuncture practice in the Asian region outside the People's Republic of China.

 

Side by side with these recent developments the focus of interest has been on the question of the existence, with the traditional Sri Lankan medical system, of medical technologies related to acupuncture.  The possibility of the further development of acupuncture technology within Sri Lanka through integration of the traditional Chinese system with the traditional Sinhalese system has also been envisaged.

 

This is the background to the present paper which is a study of a traditional Sri Lankan medical technology based on the existence of critical loci in the human body recognized as being relevant to healing purposes.  It is noteworthy that the practices of acupuncture and moxibustion in Chinese traditional medicine and the practices of pilisseema (cauterization), videema (blood-letting), and nila elleema (pressurization of function centres) in Sinhalese traditional medicine as well as other practices found in traditional North Indian and South Indian medical systems - though often differing in important respects from one another - fall within the boundaries of a specific type of medical technology.

 

In this paper, Laxman Devasena of the Marga Institute recounts both the original Sinhalese text as well as an English translation of an old medical manuscript called Salla Vidiya (refered to in this paper as the Sugathadasa Samararatne manuscript) which was found in the private library of Ayurvedic Dr. Sugathadasa Samararatne (Vaidya Shiromani) of Nalagama near Tangalle in the Hambantota District of southern Sri Lanka.  In the introduction Mr. Devasena presents some relevant background data pertaining to the process through which this particular medical technology was possibly transferred within the region.

 

As far as this specific medical technology is concerned, the material presented by Mr. Devasena in this paper suggests a number of possible processes of technological transfer in a traditional socio-cultural context.  Each process which has been implicitly suggested but not intensively developed here requires further research.  Some of the topics emerging from this paper as themes suitable for further study are:

  • The possibility that this medical technology was transferred from South India to the central highlands of Sri Lanka during the time of the four Nayakkar kinds of South Indian origin (1739-1815) and from there to the southern parts of the country

     

  • The possibility that the transfer of this technology was effected largely through the mediacy of bhikkhus (Buddhist monks) moving between the Kandyan kingdom and southern Sri Lanka after the restoration of the higher ordination (Upasampada) in 1752 and the cultural reawakening that followed

     

  • The manner in which this technology, when transferred, was integrated into the curative systems already existing in the areas of adoption and the resultant development of a number of sub-traditions of the same basic technology - the variations of the technology finding themselves manifested in the varying practices of different palm-leaf handbooks pertaining to the medical practices of pilisseema, videema, and nila elleema found in different parts of the country

     

  • The probability that this medical curative technology was transferred from china to Sri Lanka via India possibly through the mediacy of Mahayana Buddhist scholars moving within the region

     

  • The comparison of the Chinese medical system of acupunctural points with the Sinhala medical system of nila points as well as the comparison of the Chinese theory of the interdependent dynamism of the body (the Chinese channel theory) with the group of Sinhala medico-astrological theories of kalā, soolam, and maru (pertaining to movement of a mystic force up and down the human body)

     

  • The possibility that the development and diffusion of countervailing North Indian Ayurvedic theories pertaining to marma sthana (the 107 prohibited critical points) largely constrained the wider diffusion in southern Asia of the medical technology discussed in this paper

     

  • The role of the Buddhist temple - and in particular of the temple library - in preserving and spreading traditional medical knowledge, and the role of the traditional bikkhu as teacher if not as practitioner of curative Sinhala medical techniques

     

  • The feasibility of exchanging Sri Lanka's accumulated traditional knowledge in that area of medical technology discussed in this paper with knowledge relating to the contemporary developments in related fields in other Asian countries such as the People's Republic of China, for the advancement of medical knowledge in the Asian region as a whole

     

  • The need to make a systematic search in Sri Lanka for palm-leaf and other manuscripts pertaining to the group of curative techniques discussed in this paper.  The manuscripts could be recounted, translated, and edited as a necessary step to exchanging such knowledge with other Asian countries, such as the People's Republic of China, where curative techniques of the same broad category are being extensively practised, researched, and developed.

A few more traditional Sinhalese medical manuscripts describing curative medical technologies related to what is discussed in the present paper have already been found by Mr. Devasena as well as by other researchers of the Rural Studies Unit of the Micro-level Socioeconomic Studies Division of the Marga Institute.  It is intended that these manuscripts too will be studied, translated, and edited so as to provide some further insights for those interested in studying the transfer of the particular traditional medical curative technology discussed in this paper.

 

Sunimal Fernando

Associate Director

Micro-level Socio-economic Studies Division

Marga Institute

 

   

INTRODUCTION


Research officers from the Rural Studies Unit of the Micro-level Socio-economic Studies Division, Marga Institute, have come across several old manuscripts dealing with traditional Sinhalese medicine.  A unique characteristic of these manuscripts is that they recognize the existence in the human body of numerous loci (particularly acupunctural and cauterization points) relevant to healing purposes.

 

One of the most valuable among them is a manuscript in the private library of Ayurvedic Dr. Sugathadasa Samararatne of Nalagama, Tangalle, entitled Salla Vidiya.  It is a coherent presentation of systematic thought on the subject of cauterization as a healing technique.  The name of the author is unknown.  The word salla in the title corresponds to Sanskrit salya, which means 'surgical'.  Vidiya implies method or body of instructions.

 

The Samararatne manuscript Salla Vidiya is written in ink on an improvised pad of four sheets of ruled foolscap paper, each sheet being folded in two.  The first eight pages are numbered; the other pages are left unnumbered.  The last page contains additional notes on cauterization.  The writing there is in vivid contrast to that of the numbered pages, where the original black ink has turned a pale ash colour.  The paper, which must originally have been white, has a light brown tinge, indicating the lapse of about three-quarters of a century.  Dr. Raja de Silva, former Commissioner of Archeology, and Mr. G. P. S. H. de Silva Deputy Director, Department of National Archives, were shown the manuscript.

 

The first two pages consist of introductory statements in prose.  Thereafter the author expounds his system in 61 stanzas of verse.  Seven additional stanzas and other notations were added later.

 

In assessing the objective properties of the Samararatne manuscript of the Salla Vidiya, we can say that it was copied in about A.D. 1905 in black ink from an older manuscript.  Many facts can be inferred from  internal evidence.  It is of course theoretically possible for a later writer to imitate old forms of expression and spelling.  In this instance, it is far-fetched to think so as other investigators have independently come across other manuscripts dealing with the same or similar subject matter.

 

The word bottama, occurring in line 5 of page 1 and elsewhere in the Samararatne manuscript in the sense of a cauterizing implement with one end resembling a button, is probably derived from Portuguese.  It is a relic of Portuguese influence which was present in Sri Lanka during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.  An earlier Sanskrit name for the instrument was jāmbava salākā.

 

On line 2 of page 1 of the manuscript the name Jayasuriya is written with a palatal s.  Line 2 of stanza 3 has satakina, also with a palatal s.  Such preference for the palatal letter s is a common feature of manuscripts copied in Kandy and its suburbs during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries.

 

The dental n and l and the cerebral n and l are used in this manuscript indiscriminately, uninfluenced by grammatical theories concerning their usage.

 

Prior to the sixteenth century, there had been a fair degree of agreement as to the use of dentals in preference to the cerebrals.  The underlying principles were lost later on but were revived by Venerable Dharmarama (head of the Vidyalankara Pirivena, Kelaniya) in the third decade of the twentieth century.

 

At about the same time, divergent views were expressed by scholars of the Vidyodaya Pirivena, Colombo.  The author of the Samararatne text appears to have lived at least 40 to 50 years prior to the third decade of the twentieth century, so his usage did not conform either to the Vidyalankara views or to the Vidyodaya views on the use of cerebral and dental n and l.

 

Thus, in line 4 of stanza 9 the word gurulu has a dental l.  The word ukunuwala in line 1 of stanza 6 has a dental n, while ukunuwalen in line 1 of stanza 14 has a cerebral n.  Line 2 of stanza 1 has pamanin with dental n, while line 4 of stanza 12 has the same word with cerebral n.  Line 3 of stanza 5 has kana with cerebral n but line 2 of stanza 26 has kane with dental n.  Line 1 of stanza 61 has poranaduran with dental n.

 

By the third decade of the twentieth century printed Sinhalese books were quite common.  The printing press was popularizing a standard form of spelling joint consonants as separate printed sounds.  In the old palm-leaf manuscripts, joint sounds were written very close together.  But the Samararatne manuscript uses both forms - the joint form in some words, the separate form in other words.

 

The use of the imperative mood ending in -pan as found in this text is found in line 4 of stanza 50 as pulussapan.  Line 1 of stanza 53 has ahapanne.  These forms were current in textbook language in the nineteenth century but tended to drop out of the written idiom afterwards, although they were retained in the colloquial idiom, especially in addressing inferiors.

 

The colloquial form nan (in place of nam meaning 'if') is in the same category.  Out manuscript has nan in line 1 of stanza 1 but nam in line 1 of stanza 53.  Similarly, nan occurs in line 1 of stanza 19, and ise rade nan in line 1 of stanza 48.  This too is evidence of nineteenth century authorship of the original.

 

Most statements on loci made in the Samararatne manuscript are in agreement with statements in modern books on acupuncture, e.g., the importance of the pinna for correcting eye defects and the relevance of different zones on the sole to healthy functioning of various parts of the body.

 

The first two pages of the manuscript, in prose, form a résume of instructions pertaining to embrocation and cauterization in instances of specific illness.  Eighteen sanni illnesses are mentioned.  Collectively they form a field for intensive research for identifying each sanny illness.  Loci corresponding to points at the back of the head, on the top of the head, between the eyebrows, near the elbow joint, below the knees, and above the angle bone are mentioned.

 

Some of these places correspond to acupuncture points mentioned in books on Chinese acupuncture.  For instance, point yāmen in the Chinese system appears to be the same as point ukunuwala on the back of the heat at the dent just above the nape of the neck.  Is it really so?  Or is point ukunuwala different from point yāmen?  Patient research is needed before we rush to conclusions.

 

Points for cauterizing are described as being so many finger-inches (angula) above or below other known places such as the knee or the elbow, the word angula being closely related to the Sinhala word for finger, ängilla.  In the Chinese system, too, we hear of fen as a unit of measurement.  Concepts of such units also deserve to be studied comparatively.

 

The application of heat in varying degrees of temperature is mentioned in the Salla Vidiya.  The instructions tavanu ('you embrocate'), gasā tavanu ('you embrocate forcefully'), gasā pulussanu ('you cauterize forcefully') as given here imply that the remedies are operative through transmitting heat in the degree of temperature appropriate for each ailment.  Medical practitioners may be able to establish whether such methods actually heal.  Allopathic literature is not devoid of references to electric cauteries.

 

The Chinese experience of the efficacy of moxibustion gives us hope in this matter.  Our text has no direct mention of moxibustion.  But stanza 45 refers to a technique of placing a piece of creeper 3 finger-inches long on the shank and lighting the two extremities of the piece of creeper.  The stanza claims that neuralgic pain of the foot ceases when this remedy is carried out.  Out text does not name the creeper.  But one Pelmadulla text calls it bāndurā.

 

The book proper ends with stanza 61, where the last line indicates that the book ends.  Stanzas 62-68, added later, refer to the flow of the mystic forces of kalā, soolam, and maru.  They form an astrological-cum-medical set of forces which constantly move up and downt he bodies of males and females.  Kalā corresponds to the phases of the moon, while mary and soolam operate jointly on weekdays during morning, noon, and evening.  Cauterization is not permitted in any part of the sick person's body if that place is influenced by any or all of these mystic forces.

 

The last lines of stanzas 66 and 67 in this text are defective but can be reconstructed with the help of similar stanzas in the Pelmadulla Text A and other texts of the Salla Vidiya.  It would be interesting to compare these mystic forces and the Chinese channel theory of the dynamism of the human body.

 

After stanza 68, there is a charm to use for oil that can be applied on the body if cauterization results in excessive burning.  The subsequent pages are blank but the last page has short notes on the subject of cauterization.

 

Though we do not know the name of the author of the Salla Vidiya, the name of the original owner of this particular copy is given in line 2 of page 1 of the text - Jayasuriya Aratchi Patabendige Babanis.  Evidently he was from the Tangalle area, where most of the residents belong to the Karave caste.  The Jayasuriyas of Tangalle are Karave people.  Venerable Welipatanwila Dipankara, the well-known Sanskrit scholar, came from such a Jayasuriya family resident in Tangalle, as can be inferred from a statement made by Venerable Dipankara himself on page 479 of his edition of the Hitopadesa.

 

Babanis probably donated the manuscript to the Jayasumanarama Temple in Palatuduwa, Tangalle.  It was from there that Ayurvedic Dr. Sugathadasa Samararatne obtained it as a present from Venerable Walgameliya Somarama (1900-1968), who was the chief incumbent of the temple till his death.  That was an act of generosity typical of monks who belonged to the Matara (Saddhamma Yuttika) branch of the Amarapura Nikaya; they extended their favours even to people who were outside their caste.  The fact that Dr. Samararatne belonged to a non-Karave group, while Venerable Somarama came from a Karave family, did not prevent the venerable monk from donating the manuscript to the physician.  The doctor's family was known to the elders of the temple.  His brother-in-law had been a lay disciple of theirs, and he himself, being a resident of Nalagama, a village near Tangalle, visited the temple quite often to look into the needs of the monks.

 

Dr. Samararatne is a successful and popular traditional physician held in high regard by people of all castes.  His contemporaries have honoured him with the title Vaidya Shiromani, which means 'crest gem among physicians'.  The government authorities have made him a justice of the peace.  His paternal ancestors who had been associated with the physicians of the royal court of King Vimala Dharma Suriya I (1591-1604) brought them to Devinuwara in the Southern Province, where they lived.  Dr. Samararatne's maternal ancestors were also distinguished physicians for nine generations.  Senior residents of the area still remember their names - Carolis Vedarala, Basian Vedarala, Janis Vedarala, Arnolis Vedarala, etc.

 

Dr. Samararatne is often called in to examine cases of severe protracted illness in Matara and Hambantota districts.  Whenever he is not away on such curative work he spends his time in the morning hours at his dispensary in Valgameliya, on the Tangalle-Weeraketiya road.  In the afternoon he can be contacted at his home in Nalagama.  He has a valuable library of palm-leaf manuscripts and printed publications on traditional medicine.  Born in 1911, he will soon be completing his three score years and ten and continues to maintain excellent health.

 

His daughter, who is married to the son of a well-known physician of the area, also takes a keen interest in traditional medicine.  It may therefore be surmised that his books will be properly looked after.  But in order to serve a wider public, it will be useful if some arrangements are made to preserve photostats of his books.  He is a general practitioner interested in all aspects of medical treatment.  Cauterization is not his specialty.  The book Salla Vidiya is merely one of the manuscripts in his possession.

   
 
     
 
 
 
 

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